The lord chief justice today opened the way for the reporting of some court proceedings by journalists using Twitter, texting and email, but made clear it was unlikely to happen where such use of social media could influence witnesses.
Media organisations and journalists can apply for permission to use social media on a case-by-case basis, but Lord Judge said it may be necessary to bar its use by non-journalists to ensure the "proper adminstration of justice", prevent distractions in court and limit the potential for interference with courts' own recording equipment.
Judge issued interim guidance on the use of social media pending a public consultation involving the judiciary, prosecutors, lawyers, the media and "interested members of the public". The guidance applies only to courts in England and Wales.
It follows a district judge's decision to allow the tweeting of a bail hearing for Julian Assange, the WikiLeaks chief, earlier this month. Assange faces extradition to Sweden over allegations of rape, molestation and unlawful coercion.
Judge had already been considering the issue, which he highlighted in a lecture in Belfast last month.
Under the guidance, anyone wanting to tweet from a courtroom will first need the permission of the judge, who will consider the risk posed to justice.
This would be at its highest in criminal trials where witnesses who are out of court would be able to find out what has already happened.
Lord Judge said: "The judge has an overriding responsibility to ensure that proceedings are conducted consistently with the proper administration of justice, and so as to avoid any improper interference with its processes.
"There is no statutory prohibition on the use of live text-based communications in open court. But before such use is permitted, the court must be satisfied that its use does not pose a danger of interference to the proper administration of justice in the individual case.
"Subject to this consideration, the use of an unobtrusive, handheld, virtually silent piece of modern equipment for the purposes of simultaneous reporting of proceedings to the outside world as they unfold in court is generally unlikely to interfere with the proper administration of justice."
He said the "normal, indeed almost invariable, rule has been that mobile phones must be turned off in court".
"An application, whether formally or informally made – for instance by communicating a request to the judge through court staff – can be made by an individual in court to activate and use a mobile phone, small laptop or similar piece of equipment, solely in order to make live text-based communications of the proceedings," he added.
"When considering, either on its own motion, or following a formal application or informal request, whether to permit live text-based communications, and if so by whom, the paramount question will be whether the application may interfere with the proper administration of justice.
"The most obvious purpose of permitting the use of live, text-based communications would be to enable the media to produce fair and accurate reports of the proceedings.
"Without being exhaustive, the danger to the administration of justice is likely to be at its most acute in the context of criminal trials, e.g. where witnesses who are out of court may be informed of what has already happened in court."
The guidance comes days after reporters covering Assange's court hearing were banned from posting updates from court while a high court judge decided whether he should be granted bail.
Mr Justice Ouseley, who went on to give Assange conditional bail that day, ruled at the start of the proceedings that supporters and journalists should not send tweets to give a blow-by-blow account of what was happening.
At an earlier bail hearing, District Judge Howard Riddle had allowed tweeting from Westminster magistrates' court.
He said journalists could send messages if they were discreet and did not interfere with the judicial process.
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Tuesday, December 21, 2010
The use of Twitter for court reporting
Monday, December 20, 2010
Hey soul sister!
| Hey, Soul Sister" by Train Heeey heeeey heeeeey Your lipstick stains on the front lobe of my left side brains I knew I wouldn't forget you And so I went and let you blow my mind Your sweet moonbeam The smell of you in every single dream I dream I knew when we collided you're the one I have decided Who's one of my kind Hey soul sister, ain't that mister mister on the radio, stereo The way you move ain't fair you know Hey soul sister, I don't wanna miss a single thing you do tonight Heeey heeeey heeeey Just in time, I'm so glad you have a one track mind like me You gave my life direction A game show love connection, we can't deny I'm so obsessed My heart is bound to beat right out my untrimmed chest I believe in you, like a virgin, you're Madonna And I'm always gonna wanna blow your mind Hey soul sister, ain't that mister mister on the radio, stereo The way you move ain't fair you know Hey soul sister, I don't wanna miss a single thing you do tonight The way you can cut a rug Watching you is the only drug I need So gangster, I'm so thug You're the only one I'm dreaming of You see I can be myself now finally In fact there's nothing I can't be I want the world to see you'll be with me Hey soul sister, ain't that mister mister on the radio, stereo The way you move ain't fair you know Hey soul sister, I don't wanna miss a single thing you do tonight Hey soul sister, I don't wanna miss a single thing you do tonight Heeey heeeey heeeeey (tonight) Heeey heeeey heeeeey (tonight) |
Eventually society will regress to the point where there are only two words – "boh" (meaning good) and "bah" (meaning bad). Everything will be either bah or boh; we'll shuffle around bah-ing or boh-ing, chewing the cud or eating the vitamin rusks they occasionally fire in our direction from the turrets on their trucks. And everyone will be happy. Or ignorant. Or both
My opposition to cannabis is based on hard evidence, not prejudice
Decca Aitkenhead, like many leftists, assumes that it is axiomatic that moral conservatives are wrong, and she can therefore assert this without evidence (The government cannot think logically about drugs, 6 December). She quotes Professor David Nutt's dismissal of his critics – including me – with apparent approval. Prof Nutt, she writes, is "very good at exposing the confusion of much political thinking on drugs, as well as the baseless alarmism of media commentators 'like Peter Hitchens, who don't want facts to get in the way of prejudice'".
I read on for details of this exposure, and of Prof Nutt's skill at doing it. But none came. While I was pleased to see that Ms Aitkenhead found Prof Nutt's general case curiously unsatisfactory, she gave no example of my ignoring facts to suit my prejudices.
That's because I don't. I recently took part in a Today programme discussion with Prof Nutt about his report, supposedly ranking several drugs according to their risks. Despite my alleged prejudices, I shared Ms Aitkenhead's view that "its shortcomings seemed pretty glaringly obvious, even to someone as unscientifically minded as me. The rankings did not allow for the drugs' current legal status – and therefore availability."
I might have added that the report itself, with its curious conflation of physical, social and other effects, subjectively weighted, looks much more like sociology than like hard, experimental science. I yield absolutely to Prof Nutt when he sticks to his area of expertise, neuropsychopharmacology. But when he engages in politics he should not be given a free pass just because he is a professor. Others are entitled to challenge him. Why me? Perhaps because I am willing to take up unfashionable causes, but also because I have been writing and debating about this subject for many years, and feel that the pro-cannabis case is too readily accepted by the prejudiced children of the 60s – and their children.
There are two areas where the Nuttites are in trouble. One is their apparent belief that concern about the mental health dangers of cannabis is "baseless alarmism". The work of Professor Robin Murray at the Maudsley hospital suggests otherwise.
The other is their view that the law unfairly criminalises users of cannabis. Prof Nutt said on Today that last year "160,000 people were given criminal sanctions for possessing cannabis". This is misleading. There were 162,610 recorded cases of cannabis possession in England and Wales in 2009. However, most of these – 86,953 – were dealt with by a procedure known as a cannabis warning. This has no legal status and does not lead to a criminal record. Another 19,137 were dealt with through cautions. Then there were 11,492 penalty notices for disorder, which do not involve a court appearance, a fine or imprisonment. Only 22,748 cannabis cases, slightly more than one in eight, ended in court. Thousands more have no recorded outcome at all. Who here is being factual, and who is being prejudiced?
The Anonymous WikiLeaks protests are a mass demo against control
The Anonymous WikiLeaks protests are a mass demo against control
The actions against MasterCard and Amazon are not 'hacking'. People are just finding a way to protest in a digital space
The Anonymous web protests over WikiLeaks are the internet equivalent of a mass demonstration. It's a mistake to call them hacking (playful cleverness) or cracking (security breaking). The LOIC program that is being used by the group is prepackaged so no cleverness is needed to run it, and it does not break any computer's security. The protesters have not tried to take control of Amazon's website, or extract any data from MasterCard. They enter through the site's front door, and it just can't cope with the volume.
Calling these protests DDoS, or distributed denial of service, attacks is misleading, too. A DDoS attack is done with thousands of "zombie" computers. Typically, somebody breaks the security of those computers (often with a virus) and takes remote control of them, then rigs them up as a "botnet" to do in unison whatever he directs (in this case, to overload a server). The Anonymous protesters' computers are not zombies; presumably they are being individually operated.
No – the proper comparison is with the crowds that descended last week on Topshop stores. They didn't break into the stores or take any goods from them, but they sure caused a nuisance for the owner, Philip Green. I wouldn't like it one bit if my store (supposing I had one) were the target of a large protest. Amazon and MasterCard don't like it either, and their clients were probably annoyed. Those who hoped to buy at Topshop on the day of the protest may have been annoyed too.
The internet cannot function if websites are frequently blocked by crowds, just as a city cannot function if its streets are constantly full by protesters. But before you advocate a crackdown on internet protests, consider what they are protesting: on the internet, users have no rights. As the WikiLeaks case has demonstrated, what we do online, we do on sufferance.
In the physical world, we have the right to print and sell books. Anyone trying to stop us would need to go to court. That right is weak in the UK (consider superinjunctions), but at least it exists. However, to set up a website we need the co-operation of a domain name company, an ISP, and often a hosting company, any of which can be pressured to cut us off. In the US, no law explicitly establishes this precarity. Rather, it is embodied in contracts that we have allowed those companies to establish as normal. It is as if we all lived in rented rooms and landlords could evict anyone at a moment's notice.
Reading, too, is done on sufferance. In the physical world, you can buy a book with cash, and you own it. You are free to give, lend or sell it to someone else. You are also free to keep it. However, in the virtual world, e-readers have digital handcuffs to stop you from giving, lending or selling a book, as well as licences forbidding that. Last year, Amazon used a back door in its e-reader to remotely delete thousands of copies of 1984, by George Orwell. The Ministry of Truth has been privatised.
In the physical world, we have the right to pay money and to receive money – even anonymously. On the internet, we can receive money only with the approval of organisations such as PayPal and MasterCard, and the "security state" tracks payments moment by moment. Punishment-on-accusation laws such as the Digital Economy Act extend this pattern of precarity to internet connectivity. What you do on your own computer is also controlled by others, with non-free software. Microsoft and Apple systems implement digital handcuffs – features specifically designed to restrict users. Continued use of a program or feature is precarious too: Apple put a back door in the iPhone to remotely delete installed applications and anotherin Windows enabled Microsoft to install software changes without asking permission.
I started the free software movement to replace user-controlling non-free software with freedom-respecting free software. With free software, we can at least control what software does in our own computers.
The US state today is a nexus of power for corporate interests. Since it must pretend to serve the people, it fears the truth may leak. Hence its parallel campaigns against WikiLeaks: to crush it through the precarity of the internet and to formally limit freedom of the press.
States seek to imprison the Anonymous protesters rather than official torturers and murderers. The day when our governments prosecute war criminals and tell us the truth, internet crowd control may be our most pressing remaining problem. I will rejoice if I see that day.
• Copyright 2010 Richard Stallman – released under the Creative Commons Attribution Noderivs Licence
